The program consists of: 6 different training sites across the city of Detroit all classes will be held virtually 12 participants in each virtual class 12 two-hour virtual sessions once per week, usually from 6 to 8 pm 10 one-hour one-on-one consultations scheduled separately with trainer 15 week duration from first class to graduation Applicants will be assigned to sites based on geography.
We only accept applicants who live in Detroit, Hamtramck, or Highland Park. Although w e prioritize operational businesses, we may also accept experienced and focused applicants. Applications will be reviewed in August and the strongest candidates will be contacted to arrange an interview.
Interviews will take place in August and classes will start in late August or early September. It is free to apply. ProsperUs is launching our first business workshop! This two day program will cover the basic things you need to know when starting a business. In addition to learning key skills about creating a minimum viable product and calculating your break even point, we will cover funding, credit and finance.
Spring applications are open until Sunday, January 30, , at PM. Apply Now! This course offers participants an overview of fundamental business principles as well as dedicated one-on-one support. By graduation, it is intended that participants understand their business model, market, and finances.
The auto industry employed vast numbers of working Detroiters and, not surprisingly, became a major target for the industrial union movement. Ford was the site of some of the bloodiest battles over unionization. Still, the UAW succeeded. Its success was the result of intensive grassroots organizing, with the support of the federal labor law, particularly the National Labor Relations Act, which required employers to allow union organizing and to recognize duly elected trade unions.
By , after a hard-won victory at Ford, the UAW negotiated contracts with every major auto firm. By the end of the s, the Big Three offered generous wages and extensive benefits including unemployment insurance, retirement benefits, and health insurance that made auto workers among the best paid in the country. In the s, social scientists and journalists held up the auto industry as an example of the end of class conflict in America.
By the mid-twentieth century, a majority of Detroit residents were homeowners; many autoworkers saved money to send their children to college; and tens of thousands could even afford lakeside summer cottages—leading to the rise of blue-collar resort towns throughout Michigan. By , Detroit had become the fifth largest city in the United States, home to nearly two million people. But in the midst of that prosperity, the auto industry restructured its operations. There is a reason they do that, continued LaFaive by phone.
And Detroit politicians for decades have repeatedly made capital unwelcome. LaFaive listed three ways. A study by the Lincoln Institute of Land Policy found that it had the highest property tax rates of any major U.
The second is poor services, which should theoretically be counterintuitive since Detroiters pay such high taxes. These two problems — high taxes and poor services — conjoin around the fact that the city spends much of its revenue on non-services. The city — and the state of Michigan — has strict occupational licensing laws, and Detroit is known for heavily enforcing them through random stings. There's no telling how often this activity occurred under Kilpatrick and other Detroit officials - and which other businesses it may have detracted.
These public administration factors also make the arguments about infrastructure and demographics look weak. The infrastructure argument, in fact, is a complete red herring.
Most of America has been laid out like Detroit, but almost none of it performs this poorly. There are countless cities — think New York, San Francisco and Savannah — that have many old buildings, yet have revived them to greater values than before. Again, though, this historic restoration process requires inbound capital. The demographic argument is also flimsy. This proves that the existence of low-income demographics, do not, unto themselves, bring cities down. Source: HistoricDetroit.
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